2015 Publications

Publications 2015

Water Use Master Plan +3R Facilitator’s Manual.

https://nepal.helvetas.org/en/news/publications/

https://assets.helvetas.org/downloads/water_use_master_3r_facilitator_s_manual_final_br.pdf

Grumbine, R.E.; Nizami, A.; Rana Tharu, B.; Salim, M.A.; Xu, J.C. 2015. Mobilizing Hybrid Knowledge for More Effective Water Governance in the Asian Highland ICRAF Working Paper 197. World Agroforestry Centre East and Central Asia, Kunming China. 20 pp. 

 DOI:

 http://dx.doi.org/10.5716/WP15012.PDF

https://nepal.helvetas.org/en/news/publications/

https://assets.helvetas.org/downloads/mobilizing_hybrid_knowledge.pdf

Grumbine, R.E.; Nizami, A.; Rana Tharu, B.; Niraula, R.; Su, Y.; Xu, J.C. 2015. Water Governance in the Asian Highlands. ICRAF Working Paper 198. World Agroforestry Centre East and Central Asia, Kunming, China. 25 pp. DOI:http://dx.doi.org/10.5716/WP15013.PDF

https://nepal.helvetas.org/en/news/publications/

https://assets.helvetas.org/downloads/water_governance.pdf

Learning from Imperfections; 2015 Nepal Earthquake

Learning from Imperfections; 2015 Nepal Earthquake

USGS described the April 25, 2015 M 7.8 Nepal earthquake occurrence “as the result of thrust faulting on or near the main thrust interface between the sub ducting India plate and the overriding Eurasia plate to the north.” The earthquake hit devastated the infrastructures with human and animal death toll rising. In the midst of scarier aftershocks we managed to sit in an emergency support meeting on 28^th April and decided to take some stuffs for relief and do a rapid assessment of the needs. The road to Melamchi watershed area got clear only on 29^th and we were through to Mahankal VDC of Sindhupalchowk.

When we started from Kathmandu the question on our mind was how to present oneself to the affected people.Before moving to the field we were able to contact with local red cross and our local partner. The entering of Melamchi area was a bit scary some white people were filming the toppled down house where as local people were around them and they looked at our packed vehicle in a peculiar manner and were asking if it was relief stuff, demanding the material to be delivered there. We answered we will submit this to the local red cross office, they will manage the distribution in the presence of police. Police contact at Melamchi was not encouraging, they were reluctant to escort us and were scared to put the materials in their custody. However, few policemen were comforting and contacted Talamarag police informing our advent. The Talamarag police boosted our spirits by escorting us to the Gyalthum red cross store house and witnessed the handing of tarpaulin and other materials to local red cross. On the way to Gyalthum people at Talamarang blocked the way demanding the material to be dropped there. The police and the local teacher took the lead from our side to talk with the mass and we crossed the blockade and reached red cross sub chapter in Gyalthum. As soon as the vehicle stopped a group of people gathered demanding the material to be distributed right away. Some locals with whom we worked for WUMP and the police helped to download and store the material in the red cross store. Treasurer of red cross Bhim Karki signed as recipient of materials. Red cross staffs were bewildered on how to manage distribution, their expression was happy that our support of response was first of its kind after the earthquake mishap. But their concern was about how to manage the distribution of insufficient quantity.  We requested the red cross team to make a committee, which will support transparent distribution and make some norms on how to distribute (who should get the priority when relief stuff is limited). The second trip of stuff dropped to Mahankal VDC eased the distribution and emotions of local people were high appreciating our endeavours in this mishap. Though we felt a bit scared, but after having the insight of devastated situation and relief need we were glad to be a part of the support team.

30th April 2015 morning we assessed the situation of Ichowk and Mahankal VDC (with the local respondent (local teacher), similarly market assessment was made, Rapid assessment made on 29th and 30th April revealed Tarpauline for 98% households, excavators or like machine support to manage, debris of toppled houses, sheds and taking out of carcass and human dead bodies as the immediate needs. The second needs identified were Staple Food, buckets for water handling, utensils for cooking and eating. Similarly, Materials for house building and technology for earthquake resilient houses and other basic needs (repairing drinking water system, revival of toppled down latrines) came as the third priority needs.

The distribution of relief stuffs at the Village Development Committee are through a Relief Distribution Committee consisting one government official (Health Post staff, Village Development Committee Secretary), local political representatives, school teachers, and representatives of ward citizens’ forums is responsible for the transparent distribution of relief support stuff. In general, these committees agree on equitable distribution by setting the distribution priority with emphasis to the  families who have lost lives, poor and  Dalits (so-called “low castes”), women headed households followed by families whose houses have collapsed. Government official (Health Post staff, Village Development Committee secretary) are linked to the district disaster response committee who keep the record of reliefs distributed.

We observed almost all the latrines have toppled down in the assessed VDCs ( Mahankal, Ichowk, Sipa pokhari) respondent revealed same is the case with other VDCs. As per 30^th April 2015 Market assessment, The market price has increased for items like Bitten rice ( chiura), Biscuit, instant noodles, peas ( chana) and rice ( chamal). Availability of basic soap, toothpaste were found on 30^th April we presume this will continue as local vehicles (bus) have started to ply from 30^th April 2015.

As naïve in relief operations, we realized we had lots of imperfections, our predetermined assumptions of need identification were not real, we presumed food and sanitation as the first problem, but the rapid assessment depicted shed was the first requirement, management of carcass and dead bodies buried under toppled infrastructures was second priority. People revealed they can survive for up to 10 days by taking out the grains from the buried houses. Staple Food, water and sanitation need come after a week. The plan to supply materials was an uncertain tarpaulin to be supplied was not available in the market and it was difficult to predict what to supply when and where. Once the arrangement of material was made, we were in a position to plan what to drop in what quantity and in which place. Lack of  coordination with local affected people due to the collapse of power supplies added difficulty,  people could not charge their communication equipments (cell phones). There was a risk of loots on the way and an unequal distribution unless it was communicated to activate local body structures. The rhetoric theory and preachings about disaster risk reduction and management were of less value as these preachers limited themselves to paper formats. The direct involvement in the emergency support has brought rich learnings for preparing and organizing support mechanisms. These learnings are helpful  for the continued support in a better way to minimize the traumas and bring back the human dignities.

Author: Bikram Rana

Watery Policies: http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=38397

Watery Policies

BIKRAM RANA Water resources planning must enhance trade-offs between different water uses Even though Nepal faces water management challenges as well as fund shortage for effective management, not much budget is allocated by the Nepal government for water management, be it for drinking water and sanitation, water energy (electricity) or for agriculture production (irrigation). Reports about incidents of deaths caused by diarrhoea owing to poor quality of drinking water supplies as well as problems related to load shedding and excessive dependence of agriculture on monsoon are just some examples of poor water management and governance in Nepal. However, management of water resources is not a concern for just developing countries like Nepal but also for the more developed world. The approach within the water sector across the world has shifted from water resources development to integrated water resources management. During the 1960s and 1970s, the emphasis was on water resources development, and the dominant thinking was that water is a resource to be exploited; a greater stress was laid on infrastructure and individual projects. Later in the 1980s and 1990s, it was realised that we might reach a situation when water could be over exploited and hence, ecological and social constraints were taken into account in regional and national planning instead of a project-based approach. The focus on demand side measures was introduced and the paradigm was called water resources management. From the 1990s till now, the concept of integrated water resources management (IWRM) - encompassing overall policy for socio-economic development including physical planning and environment protection with public participation – as well as sustainability has been the emphasis. Water has been accepted as a basic human right in some instances while in others, it is treated like an economic good in terms of competing uses. This leads to a debate on the extent of involvement of the government and private sector in water management. The school of thought that believes water is a basic human right seeks government involvement, whereas the other school that views water as an economic good associated with cost recovery of water projects seeks privatization. The Millennium development goals (MDGs) are also linked with water since it is vital for the development of individual life and civilization. Nepal, as a UN member, has also made certain commitments under MDGs. Identifying the existing and future use of water resources in a catchment can help us devise an integrated plan for use of water in a rational, equitable and sustainable way. EFFECTIVE WATER MANAGEMENT There are three types of area boundaries defined for the management of water resources - natural system boundaries, activity boundaries and juridical boundaries. Natural system boundaries encompass the area within which the natural system phenomenon (rainfall run off, soil erosions) is considered. Examples of the system are river basins and watershed. Activity boundaries are those within which human activities are considered and analysed with respect to their resource utilization. Juridical boundaries are the legal and political boundaries where certain institutions and legal arrangements are in place and which do not require the creation of special arrangements for the transfer of authority. Examples include states, regions, provinces, municipalities, districts and lower units like Village development committee (VDC) for the purpose of governance. Water resources planning needs to be equitable and comprehensive and it should enhance trade-offs between different water uses for efficient and effective management. Priority should be on the use of water for drinking, irrigation, industry, and fishery. River basin is considered as the natural unit of management in IWRM and equal participation is one of its principles. Water governance can be achieved at river basins through people’s participation. IWRM aims at better management, subsidiary (supplementary), and efficient allocation across competing uses but has failed to address the very questions related to authority, privatization, valuation and the role of state. The problem with water allocation is how to deal with water scarcity while ensuring equity, efficiency, effectiveness and sustainability. The comparative advantage and shortcomings of different allocation principles are being used under different situations at the local, domestic and international levels. However, there continues to be a wide gap between prescription and practice in water policy. Nepal is advocating a decentralised development of water resources. However, the decentralization of water policy requires not so much the transfer of authority or power but creation of power at new territorial levels - basin levels - which Nepal not been successful in implementing. Another constraint we face in Nepal is the problem of cost of recovery. Jaspers (2002) explains that one of the crucial tools of integrated river basin management is the system of cost recovery. This tool can only be successfully implemented when acceptable service levels are established and effective administrative arrangements are in place. For developing countries, it is not that easy to opt for water management on hydrological boundaries as it requires investments that all countries may not be able to afford to kick-start the process of implementation. Nepal, with five river basins, has abundant water but it faces a fund crunch for water management and as a result, service levels related to water resources are not established to cover the population. The development and management of five river basins of Nepal has always been very low on the priority list of politicians. Politicians and policy makers should, to use a cliché, think globally but act locally in promoting awareness about the potential of water when used in a cooperative manner - meeting current demands without compromising on the needs for the future generations. To conclude, IWRM in hydrological boundaries could be viewed from two perspectives. First, as a positive concept that can create opportunities of cooperation for the benefit of concerned parties. Second, as a conceptual blue print and institutionalized norm that has an ambiguous, complex and at times contradictory stance towards territoriality, authority and knowledge. Unlike legal political boundaries, hydrological boundaries do not coincide with institutions and legal arrangements. They, thus, require the creation of special arrangements for the transfer of authority. This lack of institutional fit is deemed as the drawback of hydrological boundary approach. Some initiatives like the Water Resources Management Programme (WARM-P) of Helvetas (A Swiss NGO) and Rural Village Water Resources Management Programme (a programme supported by government of Finland) have considered IWRM in their development endeavours, in the form of Water Use Master Plan (WUMP) at Village development committee (VDC) level. A careful evaluation and study of these WUMPs will help us understand their various merits and shortcomings, allowing us to devise a well informed and researched policy that will help us manage water effectively, particularly in rural Nepal, even with small budgets.
Published on 2012-07-23 01:25:54 http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=38397

Rana Tharu - "The identity battle"

RANA THARUS IN FAR-WEST

BIKRAM RANA http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=35057 RANA THARUS IN FAR-WEST Rana Tharus in India mostly reside in Udham Singh Nagar district of Uttarakhand and Kheeri as well as in Pilibhit and Gonda, districts of Uttar Pradesh. They are recognized as a scheduled tribe by the government of India. The Indian constitution gives several special social, educational and economic benefits to those categorized as the scheduled tribes.  In Nepal, Rana Tharus have been native residents of Kailali and Kanchanpur since the 16th century and are, in fact, the first settlers of the two districts. The four districts, namely Banke, Bardiya, Kailali and Kanchanpur, were under British administration from 1816 to 1860 and were included in Nepal by the British before they left India. Prior to the inclusion of Kanchanpur and Kailali in Nepal as ‘naya muluk’, the settlers in these two districts were Ranas and Katharias followed by Tharus from Dang and later by others.  Being natives of two districts, Rana Tharus were prosperous land owners with big houses and livestock. They were old land lords (who owned or held land before the introduction of the land reforms in 1964) of both the districts. Though the Rana community was economically and socially powerful, the literacy rate among them was low, a condition that prevails even today. However, their native places were gradually encroached upon by other groups and even by the Panchayat in the name of rehabilitation (punarvaas) and by the democratic government in the name of sanctuary broadening (aarachhya bistaar). In 1854 Jung Bahadur, the first Rana Prime Minister of Nepal, developed Muluki Ain, a codification of Nepal’s indigenous legal system which divided the society into a system of castes. The Tharus of Nepal were placed at the bottom of the social hierarchy, just above the ‘untouchables’. During this period, the Rana Tharus of Kailali and Kanchanpur were under the British administration (1816 to 1860). After the inclusion of these four districts in Nepal, anthropologists and experts have been largely biased against the Rana Tharus as well as other Tharu groups. This injustice was further perpetuated by the government of Nepal which placed Rana Tharu in the same category of Tharus as in the previous census, even though they claim to be very different in reality. This reminds me of what famous American anthropologist Ralph Linton had said, “The way of life of people is one thing, what we study and write about, is another dimension of culture. The former is reality, the latter our understanding of the same. If the former is to be culture, then the latter may be called only culture construct.” Although physically the Rana Tharus are similar to other Tharu people in the area, they speak their own language. Rana Tharus differ from other Dangaura and Chaudhari Tharus in most respects, including language, attire and culture. According to sociology, “Indigenous group is any ethnic group originating and remaining in an area subject to colonization and have retained their distinctive identities. Such groups often appear to go through a sequence of defeat, despair, and regeneration, if they have not been exterminated or their culture completely destroyed by the external or colonial power.” This supports the theory that Rana Tharus have a different identity, which has survived for years and cannot be erased at the peak of political transition when every group is fighting for its identity. The functionalists who are trying to maintain their strategic advantage and the utopians in their endeavor to usurp the rights of others are using different tools to obfuscate the main debate surrounding self respect and unique identity of minor groups. This makes the federalism process contradictory. Few leaders who enjoy the facilities of both hill and Tarai regions fear losing their strategic advantage with growing demands for Tharuhat because the inclusion of two districts, Kailali and Kanchapur, in proposed Tharuhat has resulted in a counter protest for a ‘united Far-west’. This is an attempt to maintain status quo in the region so that there is no change in the condition of communities who have been deprived of any stake in power and governance. Ramesh Lekhak, one of the CA members has said that Rana Tharu, Dangaura Tharu and hill people in Kailali and Kanchanpur have been living in harmony. On the surface, there is harmony in the sense that there have been no violent clashes between the hill and Tarai inhabitants; but if you plunge deeper, both the Rana and Dangaura Tharu have felt slighted since the hill people have been enjoying strategic advantage in terms of authority, power and caste superiority.  Tharus have been rarely included in the societies and bodies formed in the name of the ‘Far-west’. These societies have merely highlighted cultural traits of the hills, while ignoring the Tharu culture. For instance, no Rana or Dangaura music has been played on Kantipur radio program touted as the ‘voice of Far-west’. Leaders from the hills who belong to major political parties get the opportunity of picking constituencies both in the hills and Tarai while Tharus who have this option only in Kailali and Kanchanpur struggle to get candidacy even in these districts. The reluctance to consider Rana Tharus as a different group and recognize its independent identity has now put the community in danger of becoming extinct. Failure to acknowledge and respect the separate identity of Ranas is likely to affect the community and the future of the proposed Tharuhat.  Rana Tharus have a different identity, which has survived for years and cannot be erased at the peak of political transition when every group is fighting for its identity. In the past, being more economically comfortable, Rana Tharus felt less suppressed and were satisfied with their land holding and did not feel the need to educate their children. However, the other Tharu groups have felt strong discrimination ever since the promulgation of ‘muluki ain’ in 1854 and have placed comparatively more emphasis on education while participating more in the politics of Nepal.  Now with the implementation of positive discrimination policies, the census classifying the Rana Tharus as Tharus, Tharuhat obstructing the recognition of a separate Rana Tharu identity and the ‘united Far-west’ acting as a functionalist, the Ranas feel their very identity is under threat. Thus, organizations like Rana Tharu Sangharsh Samitee, Rana Tharu Welfare Forum and Nepal Rana Tharu Samaaj are raising their voice for a separate Rana Tharu identity. Geographical delineation alone cannot determine a federal state unless adequate space is created for all, while ensuring a fair distribution of power and authority. The solution is to create what could be a ‘win-win situation’ for Rana Tharus, Dangaura Tharus and the hill people. This requires some give and take by politicians from the hills who enjoy the strategic advantage as residents of both Tarai and the hills.